Conviviality An absurd dream or a realised space.pdf
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1、 1 Conviviality: An absurd dream or a realised space The case of the Internet in Iran Aghil Ameripour Manchester Business School Michael Newman Manchester Business School Hague and Loader 1999; Kamarck and Nye 1999; Mulgan 1994; Rheingold 1993; Toffler 1991). Dystopians on the other hand believe tha
2、t the Internet has the capabilities to pose a threat to democracy as it allows states and large businesses to maximise surveillance, control and manipulation of citizens, especially in developing countries (Fox 1994; Gotstein 1999; Wilheml 1998). DiMaggio et al. (2001) in their review of the literat
3、ure around the social implications of the Internet present two main conclusions: firstly that the Internets impact is more limited than either the utopian or dystopian visions suggest. Secondly, that the nature of that impact will vary depending upon how economic actors, government regulation, and u
4、sers collectively organise the evolving Internet technology (p310). To date there are few empirical studies that go beyond this polarised utopian-dystopian debate and improve our understanding of the dynamics of the Internet and its relation to the socio-political sphere. In response, this paper ana
5、lyses the relationship between the Internet and societal change by examining specific political experiences from within a local context. Iran was chosen as the basis for the research because it is a highly relevant but under-researched example where citizens are struggling for freedom of self expres
6、sion, in a country where the regime has restricted expression of certain views and political opposition. Therefore, many individuals and groups have exploited the relatively less censored and less regulated nature of the Internet to open new windows for dissent and expand the realm of public free sp
7、eech (Hofheinz 2005, Loewenstein 2008). This study specifically addresses the following question: Can the convivial characteristics of the Internet contribute to societal conviviality in Iran? To address this, Illichs (1973) theory of conviviality of tools is drawn upon. This theory is used as a len
8、s to examine: 1) the extent to which the Internet is a convivial tool that promotes conviviality in internet communities; and 2) the extent to which this conviviality can contribute to the conviviality in the real spaces of society in the Iranian context. 3 The paper is organised as follows. In the
9、next section, the paper presents the theory of conviviality. After a presentation of the research approach we draw on empirical evidence to demonstrate the conviviality of the Internet. Two internet based campaigns are presented to investigate whether campaign members can use the conviviality charac
10、teristics of the internet to make any significant changes to the Iranian society. The next section discusses the findings of the research and presents the conclusion. The final section presents a conceptual framework that is derived directly from the findings of this research. This conceptual framew
11、ork lays the foundation for further work and research in this field, especially in studying different countries. 2. Conviviality of the Internet: “Convivial tools are those which give each person who uses them the greatest opportunity to enrich the environment with the fruit of his or her own vision
12、. Industrial tools deny this possibility to those who use them and they allow their designers to determine the meaning and expectations of others. Most tools today cannot be used in a convivial fashion.” (Illich 1973) We chose the work of Ivan Illich (1926 - 2002) as the theoretical basis for our in
13、quiry. Specifically, we draw on Illichs writings on Conviviality as expressed in Tools for Conviviality (Illich 1973). Illichs work has had considerable influence over information systems research and practice. Orlikowski and Iacono (2001) point out that Illichs insights on conviviality underpinned
14、the argument by Kling and Dutton (1982) and Kling and Scacchi (1982) for a change in emphasis away from the technical artifact (i.e. computers and software) which had previously dominated information systems design and implementation. The view of information systems design and development through th
15、e lens of conviviality inspired a reconceptualisation of the technical artifact as only one element in a web of computing required to apply the technical artifact to socio-economic activity. The web of computing includes training, staff, organizational arrangements, policies, and incentives to enabl
16、e the effective management and use of new technologies. The influence of Illichs insights on conviviality of technology has continued into contemporary information systems research and practice (e.g. Wastell et al. 2004). We draw on Illichs work here for two main reasons. Firstly, the theory offers
17、an appropriate conceptualisation of the extent to which technology supports democratization and features suited to civil society which constrain particular groups abilities to control the flow and content of information, knowledge and ideological or symbolic representations. Secondly, Illichs work h
18、as been used effectively in related prior studies of the Internet and social reform most notably in Indonesia (Lim 2003). 4 Illich rose to fame in the 1970s with a series of polemical books on major institutions of the industrialized world. They explored the functioning and impact of education, ener
19、gy, transport and economic development, medicine and work. In Tools for Conviviality, Illich (1973) argues that for hundreds of years, machines worked for men realising the vision that machines can replace slaves. For Illich, people need tools to work with, rather than tools that work with them. The
20、y need technology to make the most of the energy and imagination each has, rather than producing more well-programmed energy slaves. The concept of conviviality in Illichs work which we draw upon here refers to the role of technology in autonomous and creative intercourse among persons and the inter
21、course of persons with their environment. Illich writes: “I choose conviviality to designate the opposite of industrial productivity. I intend it to mean autonomous and creative intercourse among persons I consider conviviality to be individual freedom realised in personal interdependence and, as su
22、ch, an intrinsic ethical value” (Illich 1973). For Illich, convivial tools are a central feature of a convivial society. Conviviality is understood as autonomous and creative intercourse among persons and the intercourse of persons with their environment and represents in essence individual freedom
23、realized in personal interdependence. Tools include all rationally designed devices, be they artifacts or rules, codes or operators. For Illich, school curricula or marriage laws are no less purposely shaped social devices than road networks. A convivial society would be the result of social arrange
24、ments that guarantee for each member the most ample and free access to the tools of the community and limit this freedom only in favor of another members equal freedom. The politics of a convivial society would aim principally to exclude the design of tools that are obstacles to the exercise of pers
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