2022年考博英语-中共中央党校考试题库及全真模拟冲刺卷78附答案带详解.docx
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1、2022年考博英语-中共中央党校考试题库及全真模拟冲刺卷(附答案带详解)1. 单选题There are plans to give everyone ( ) insurance, allow leave from work for anyone with a sick child or elderly relative to look after, and enforce a seven-day wait for anyone wanting to buy a handgun.问题1选项A.afforded healthyB.affordable healthC.afforded health
2、D.affordable healthy【答案】B【解析】语法和固定搭配。根据空格前的give可知空格中应该填入形容词。afforded是动词afford的过去式和过去分词,所以排除A和C项。affordable “买得起的”,health“健康”,healthy“健康的”。句意:有计划给予每个人买得起的健康保险。health insurance “健康保险”,为固定搭配。选项B符合题意。2. 问答题The answer lies somewhere in the realm of ideology, in European attitudes not just toward defense
3、spending but toward power itself. Important as the power gap has been in shaping the respective strategic cultures of the United States and Europe, if the disparity of military capabilities were the only problem, the solution would be fairly straightforward. With a highly educated and productive pop
4、ulation of almost 400 million people and a $9 trillion economy, Europe today has the wealth and technological capability to make itself more of a world power in military terms if Europeans wanted to become that kind of world power. They could easily spend twice as much as they are currently spending
5、 on defense if they believed it necessary to do so. And closing the power gap between the United States and Europe would probably go some way toward closing the gap in strategic perceptions. There is a cynical view current in American strategic circles that the Europeans simply enjoy the free ride t
6、hey have gotten under the American security umbrella over the past six decades. Given Americas willingness to spend so much money protecting them, Europeans would rather spend their own money on social welfare programs, long vacations, and shorter workweeks. But there is more to the transatlantic gu
7、lf than a gap in military capabilities, and while Europe may be enjoying a free ride in terms of global security, there is more to Europes unwillingness to build up its military power than comfort with the present American guarantee. After all, the United States in the 19Ih century was the beneficia
8、ry of the British navys dominance of the Atlantic and the Caribbean. But that did not stop the United States from engaging in its own peacetime naval buildup in the 1880s and 1890s, a buildup that equipped it to launch and win the Spanish-American war, acquire the Philippines, and become a world pow
9、er. Late-nineteenth-century Americans did not take comfort from their security; they were ambitious for more power. Europeans today are not ambitious for power, and certainly not for military power. Europeans over the past half century have developed a genuinely different perspective on the role of
10、power in international relations, a perspective that springs directly from their unique historical experience since the end of World War II. They have rejected the power politics that brought them such misery over the past century and more. This is a perspective on power that Americans do not and ca
11、nnot share, in as much as the formative historical experiences on their side of the Atlantic have not been the same. Consider again the qualities that make up the European strategic culture: the emphasis on negotiation, diplomacy, and commercial ties, on international law over the use of force, on s
12、eduction over coercion, on multilateralism over unilateralism. It is true that these are not traditionally European approaches to international relations when viewed from a long historical perspective. But they are a product of more recent European history. The modern European strategic culture repr
13、esents a conscious rejection of the European past, a rejection of the evils of European Mahtlpolilik. 1.What might be the question raised prior to the first paragraph of the passage?2.What have made it difficult to redress the military imbalances between the United States and Europe?3.What does the
14、phrase “free ride” imply here?4.What does the phrase “the transatlantic gulf” refer to?5.Why do Americans and Europeans think about power so differently?【答案】1.Europe may be enjoying a free ride in terms of global security, there is more to Europes unwillingness to build up its military power than co
15、mfort with the present American guarantee.2.Europeans have gotten under the American security umbrella.3.Europeans enjoy the statement of being secured by the United Stated.4.It refers that America was ambitious for more power.5.Because of their different historical experiences. 3. 单选题An emerging aw
16、areness of the costs of sprawl- and the role of government politics in facilitating sprawl- is transforming metropolitan area politics around the country. Elected officials from cities and inner suburbs; downtown corporate, philanthropic, and civic interests; minority and low-income community repres
17、entatives; environmentalists; slow-growth advocates in the new suburbs; farmers and rural activists all are realizing that uncoordinated suburban expansion brings needless costs. In Chicago the Commercial Club, an organization of top regional business leaders, has released the Chicago Metropolis 202
18、0 report, an ambitious plan for meeting that areas myriad challenges in the coming decades. In Ohio elected officials from inner suburbs around Cleveland are joining forces with farm preservation constituencies to push state growth management reforms. In Maryland a coalition of environmentalists (th
19、e Chesapeake Bay Foundation), business leaders and inner-city advocates are leading statewide efforts to curb suburban sprawl and promote reinvestment in older established communities. In Missouri a coalition of eighty Protestant and Catholic churches is leading the fight to promote smarter growth i
20、n the Si. Louis area.These nascent coalitions reach past city limits and cross traditional constituency lines. The motivations behind these coalitions differ. Groups that are driven by a concern for equity and the burden of concentrated poverty that cities and inner suburbs must bear push for tax re
21、forms that would reduce fiscal disparities among jurisdictions. Coalitions concerned about runaway growth advocate curbs on sprawl and try to direct infrastructure investment to older established areas. Both kinds of coalitions seek metropolitan collaboration to solve such cross-jurisdictional probl
22、ems as transportation, environmental quality, water treatment, and work force and economic development. These reforms are mutually reinforcing. Mayors who care about tax-base equity may find common cause with no-growth advocates in the outer suburbs. Environmentalists and rural constituencies pushin
23、g to conserve open space and farmland understand that a stronger urban core is in their interest. As one would expect, the various coalitions encompass diverse interests that reflect the nature of their metropolitan areas.The new metropolitan coalitions are making a difference on transportation and
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