2022年考博英语-中共中央党校考试题库及全真模拟冲刺卷94附答案带详解.docx

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1、2022年考博英语-中共中央党校考试题库及全真模拟冲刺卷（附答案带详解）1. 单选题The full impact of the Internet revolution will only become apparent in the future, as more technological change is （ ）that can barely be imagined and hardly anticipated.问题1选项A.on a horizonB.on the horizonC.at a horizonD.at the horizon【答案】B【解析】固定搭配。根据固定搭配 on

2、e the horizon “即将来临”，排除A、C和D选项。句意：更多的技术变革即将到来，这几乎是无法想象和预料的。选项B符合题意。2. 问答题However, political scientists most frequently have argued that they must set aside both fortune and virtue, and instead focus on impersonal forces as the causes of international events. Their reasons for doing so fall under thr

3、ee rubrics. First, many political scientists contend that individuals ultimately do not matter, or at least they count for little in the major events that shape international politics. Instead they argue that the roar of the anarchic system, domestic politics, and institutional dynamics drown out th

4、e small voices of individual leaders. Second, other political scientists posit that although individuals may matter from time to time, their influence does not lend itself to the generalizations that political scientists seek. Simply put, individuals are too individualistic. Third, several leading i

5、nternational relations theorists have raised a number of specific objections that they argue render the study of individuals theoretically hopeless.We believe that political scientists are simultaneously too modest and too arrogant in these claims. Too modest because political scientists need not th

6、row up their hands and believe that they have nothing useful to say about the role of individuals in international relations. The theoretical objections raised over the years do not stand up under closer examination and should not prevent us from mining this rich ore. Too arrogant because too many p

7、olitical scientists imply or assert that the impersonal forces on which they focus their attention explain the vast majority of events in international relations. In so doing, they marginalize the crucial impact of individuals on war and diplomacy and neglect they extent to which social science can

8、tease out useful generalizations regarding the role played by individuals.It is time to rescue men and women, as individuals, from the oblivion to which political scientists have consigned them. This article is not intended as a comprehensive account of the importance of individuals-such an effort w

9、ould require the work of many lifetimes-but it is intended to question scholars current assumptions about international politics and show the plausibility of analyzing international relations by focusing on the role of individuals.What is the impact of individuals on international relations? What as

10、pects of state behavior do they affect? Under what conditions are they influential? These are the questions this article seeks to answer. We contend that the goals, abilities, and foibles of individuals are crucial to the intentions, capabilities, and strategies of a state. Indeed individuals not on

11、ly affect the actions of their own state but also shape the reactions of other nations, which must respond to the aspirations, abilities, and aggressiveness of foreign leaders. Of course, individuals matter more to international relations under certain circumstances. Individual personalities take on

12、 added significance when power is concentrated in the hands of a leader, when institutions are in conflict, or in times of great change. Individuals also shape many of the drivers identified by other theorists, such as the balance of power, domestic opinion, and bureaucratic politics. These paradigm

13、s suffer when individuals are ignored.1.What is the main idea of the first paragraph?2.What does the author mean by “the roar of the anarchic system, domestic politics, and institutional dynamics drown out the small voices of individual leaders” in the first paragraph?3.Explain “Simply put, individu

14、als are too individualistic” in your own words.4.What does “this rich ore” refer to in the second paragraph?5.Describe the major goal of the article in your own words.【答案】1.It aims to explain the reasons why political scientists ignore the imapct of individuals on international relations.2.The autho

15、r means that many political scientists believe that the anarchic system, domestic politics and institutional dynamics matter in the major events that shape international politics.3.It means people tend to be self-interested and only focus on their own benefits rather than overall interests.4.It refe

16、rs to the impact of individuals on international relations.5.The major goal of this passage is to draw attention to the role of individuals in international relations.3. 单选题Crimea is a center of pro-Russian sentiment, which can （ ） separatism. The region-a peninsula on Ukraines Black Sea coast-has 2

17、3 million inhabitants, most of whom identify themselves as ethnic Russians and speak Russian.问题1选项A.spill overB.spill out ofC.spill down towardsD.spill into【答案】D【解析】固定搭配。spill over “外溢”；spill out of “溅出”；spill down towards “溢出”；spill into “涌进”。句意：克里米亚是亲俄情绪的中心，这种情绪能够涌进各种分裂主义。选项D符合题意。4. 翻译题If there i

18、s any truth in what has been said about the need of forming. A theory of experience at education may be intelligently conducted upon the basis of experience, it is clear that the next thing in order in this discussion is to present the principles that are most significant in framing this theory. I s

19、hall not, therefore, apologize for engaging in a certain amount of philosophical analysis, which otherwise might be out of place. I may, however, reassure you to some degree by saying that this analysis is not an end in itself but is engaged in for the sake of obtaining criteria to be applied later

20、in discussion of a number of concrete and, to most persons, more interesting issues.I have already mentioned what I called the category of continuity, or the experiential continuum.This principle is involved, as 1 pointed out, in every attempt to discriminate between experiences that are worthwhile

21、educationally and those that are not. It may seem superfluous to argue that this discrimination is necessary not only in criticizing the traditional type of education but also in initiating and conducting a different type. Nevertheless, it is advisable to pursue for a little while the idea that it i

22、s necessary. One may safely assume. I suppose, that one thing which has recommended the progressive movement is that it seems more in accord with the democratic ideal to which our people is committed than do the procedures of the traditional school, since the latter have so much of the autocratic ab

23、out them. Another thing which has contributed to its favorable reception is that its methods are humane in comparison with the harshness so often attending the policies of the traditional school.The question I would raise concerns why we prefer democratic and humane arrangements to those which are a

24、utocratic and harsh.And by “why”, I mean the reason for preferring them, not just the causes which lead us to the preference. One cause may be that we have been taught not only in the schools but by the press, the pulpit, the platform, and our laws and law-making bodies that democracy is the best of

25、 all social institutions. We may have so assimilated this idea from our surroundings that it has become a habitual part of our mental and moral make-up. But similar causes have led other persons in different surroundings to widely varying conclusions- to prefer fascism, for example. The cause for ou

26、r preference is not the same thing as the reason why we should prefer it.It is not my purpose here to go in detail into the reason. But I would ask a single question: Can we find any reason that does not ultimately come down to the belief that democratic social arrangements promote a better quality

27、of human experience, one which is more widely accessible and enjoyed than do non-democratic and anti-democratic forms of social life? Does not the principle of regard for individual freedom and for decency and kindliness of human relations come back in the end to the conviction that these things are

28、 tributary to a higher quality of experience on the part of a greater number than arc methods of repression and coercion or force?Is it not the reason for our preference that we believe that mutual consultation and convictions reached through persuasion make possible a better quality of experience t

29、han can otherwise be provided on any wide scale?【答案】如果正如之前所说，对于理论形成的需要是真实的话，教育经验理论可以在过往经验的基础上进行明智的指导，那么很清楚的是，在这个讨论中，接下来要做的就是提出构建这个理论框架最重要的原则。正如我提出的一样，这个原则涉及于每一次尝试区分有教育价值的经历和没有教育价值的经历中。我认为有一点是确定的，推进这项进步运动，在于它似乎比传统学校的程序更符合我国人民所致力于的民主理想，因为传统学校有太多的专制思想。而对于“为什么”，我指的是偏向于后者的原因，而不仅仅是导致我们偏向后者的原因。我们可能已经从周围环境中

30、吸收了这种观念，以至于它已经成为我们心理和道德构成的一部分。我们能找到任何最终不会归结为民主社会促进提升人类经验中的更好品质，这种体验比非民主和反民主的社会生活形式更容易理解和享受这一信仰的原因吗？我们相信通过说服而达成的相互协商和信任，可能比通过其他方式在任何情况下提供更好的经验质量，这难道不是我们偏向的理由吗？5. 单选题Their solution was to enroll their children in private schools, which, because they received no tax money, were free to operate without

31、being subject to racial （ ）.问题1选项A.discriminationB.segregationC.controversyD.apportionment【答案】A【解析】名词词义辨析。discrimination“歧视”；segregation“隔离”；controversy“争论”； apportionment“分派”。句意：他们的解决方法就是将他们的孩子送入私立学校，因为他们不收取任何税款，并且没有种族歧视。选项A符合题意。6. 翻译题Totalitarianism is the polar case of such bureaucratic concentra

32、tion of power that destroys democratic processess, but not the only one. The same tendency can be observed in political machine that transfer the power that legally belongs to voters to political bosses, in business corporations that vest the power that rightfully belongs to stockholders in corporat

33、ion officials, in those unions that bestow the power that rightfully belongs to rank-and-file members upon union leaders. These cases lead some writers to contend that the present trend toward bureaucratization spells the doom of democratic institution. This may well be too fatalistic a viewpoint, b

34、ut there can be no doubt that this trend constitutes a challenge. To protect ourselves against this threat, while continuting to utilize these effcient administrative mechanisms, we must first learn fully to understand how bureaucracies function.【答案】【参考译文】极权主义是这种官僚权力集中破坏民主进程的极端例子，但不是唯一的例子。在其他方面也可看到相

35、同趋势：政治机器将合法属于选民的权力转移给政治领袖；商业公司将合法属于股东的权力授予公司高层；一些工会将应赋予普通成员的权力给工会领导人。这些案例使一些作家认为，目前的官僚主义趋势预示着民主制度的灭亡。这可能是一个偏宿命论的观点，但毫无疑问，这种趋势（给我们）带来了一种挑战。在我们继续使用这些有效行政机制时，为了保护自己不受这种威胁，必须首先充分了解官僚机制是如何运作的。7. 单选题Traders are shutting down operations in Ivory Coast, in accordance with calls by the countrys international

36、ly recognized president-elect to put pressure on Gbagbo, the （ ） who has refused to step down.问题1选项A.inceptionB.incursionC.insurgencyD.incumbent【答案】D【解析】名词词义辨析。inception “起初，获得学位”；incursion “入侵，侵犯”；insurgency“暴动”；incumbent “在职者，现任者”。句意：贸易商正在关闭象牙海岸的业务为了符合国家要求，进行国际认证的总统选举，给巴博施加压力，巴博是拒绝退位下台的现任者。选项D符合题意

37、8. 问答题The US administration has switched hesitancy for populism in proposing size and activity limits on Americas largest banks. While details are still missing, possibly because no one really knows how to implement size limits or curbs on proprietary trading, the intent is clearbankers must pay. I

38、t is hard to have much sympathy for the bankers, who have brought the publics ire on themselves through incompetence and then through an outrageous haste to pay themselves. Yet outrage is a poor guide to public policy. Beyond being punitive, will the administrations proposals help reduce financial s

39、ystem risk?Consider size limit first. The idea is to ensure institutions are no longer too big to fail. But how to define size? Whether you use assets, capital or profits there will be problemsbanks will try to economize on whatever measure is limited. Crude asset size limits, for example, would pro

40、bably ensure a lot of financial activity is hidden from the regulator, only to come back to light (and to balance sheets) at the worst of times. There are many legal ways to mask size. Banks can offer guarantees to assets placed in off-balance sheet vehicles, much like the conduits of the recent cri

41、sis. If, instead, capital is the measure, then we will be pushing banks to economize on it as much as possible, hardly a recipe for safety. And if it is profits, we will be inviting healthy banks to park profits elsewhere, while rewarding sickly ones by allowing them to expand indefinitely.Even if w

42、e do settle on a definition, it is not clear that being large is necessary or sufficient for an entity to be a systemic risk. Bear Stems would not be large by most calculations, though it was considered connected enough to be saved. But Vanguard, the mutual fund group, manages more than $l, 000bn in

43、 assets and would probably not qualify as systemic. Not all large financial entities are equally troubling; would we include the mutual funds operated by a bank in its size?Also, being big has its virtues. Some larger banks are better at diversifying and attracting managerial talent (including risk

44、managers). While a poorly managed $2,000bn bank creates immense problems for the system, the problems could be even greater with 100 banks of $20bn in size, each of which has taken similar risks. What is important is not size per se but the concentration and correction of risk in the system as well

45、as the size of exposure relative to capital.Instead of imposing a blanket ban on institutions growing beyond a certain size, regulators should use more subtle mechanisms such as prohibiting mergers of large banks or encouraging the break-up of large banks that seem to have a propensity for getting i

46、nto trouble. While there are always concerns about whether regulators will use these sorts of powers arbitrarily, they are no more difficult for legislators and courts to oversee than are powers based on anti-competitive considerations.1.What does the passage mainly discuss?2.How does the public thi

47、nk of big banks in the US? Why?3.What is the main idea of the third paragraph?4.What does the example of Bear Stems show?5.What does the phrase large banks that seem to have a propensity for getting into trouble mean in the last paragraph?【答案】1.Implementing size limits on Americas largest banks is n

48、ot the proper solution to financial risk.2.It is hard to have much sympathy for the bankers, because they have brought the publics ire on themselves through incompetence and then through an outrageous haste to pay themselves.3.It is not clear that being large is necessary or sufficient for an entity to be a systemic risk.4.Crude asset size limits, for example, would probably ensure a lot of financial activity is hidden from the regulator, only to come back to light (and to balance sheets) at the worst of times, because there are many legal ways to mask size.5.Larg