2022年考博英语-中共中央党校考试题库及全真模拟冲刺卷24附答案带详解.docx

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1、2022年考博英语-中共中央党校考试题库及全真模拟冲刺卷（附答案带详解）1. 单选题问题1选项A.exploit a loopholeB.plug a loopholeC.find a loopholeD.use a loophole【答案】B【解析】动词词义辨析。exploit a loophole “开发利用漏洞”；plug a loophole “堵塞漏洞”；find a loophole “发现漏洞”；use a loophole “使用漏洞”。句意：斯蒂芬先生提出了一个现行保释法的修正案去填充一个漏洞，这个漏洞使得被保释的人可以进一步犯罪。选项B符合题意。2. 问答题However,

2、 political scientists most frequently have argued that they must set aside both fortune and virtue, and instead focus on impersonal forces as the causes of international events. Their reasons for doing so fall under three rubrics. First, many political scientists contend that individuals ultimately

3、do not matter, or at least they count for little in the major events that shape international politics. Instead they argue that the roar of the anarchic system, domestic politics, and institutional dynamics drown out the small voices of individual leaders. Second, other political scientists posit th

4、at although individuals may matter from time to time, their influence does not lend itself to the generalizations that political scientists seek. Simply put, individuals are too individualistic. Third, several leading international relations theorists have raised a number of specific objections that

5、 they argue render the study of individuals theoretically hopeless.We believe that political scientists are simultaneously too modest and too arrogant in these claims. Too modest because political scientists need not throw up their hands and believe that they have nothing useful to say about the rol

6、e of individuals in international relations. The theoretical objections raised over the years do not stand up under closer examination and should not prevent us from mining this rich ore. Too arrogant because too many political scientists imply or assert that the impersonal forces on which they focu

7、s their attention explain the vast majority of events in international relations. In so doing, they marginalize the crucial impact of individuals on war and diplomacy and neglect they extent to which social science can tease out useful generalizations regarding the role played by individuals.It is t

8、ime to rescue men and women, as individuals, from the oblivion to which political scientists have consigned them. This article is not intended as a comprehensive account of the importance of individuals-such an effort would require the work of many lifetimes-but it is intended to question scholars c

9、urrent assumptions about international politics and show the plausibility of analyzing international relations by focusing on the role of individuals.What is the impact of individuals on international relations? What aspects of state behavior do they affect? Under what conditions are they influentia

10、l? These are the questions this article seeks to answer. We contend that the goals, abilities, and foibles of individuals are crucial to the intentions, capabilities, and strategies of a state. Indeed individuals not only affect the actions of their own state but also shape the reactions of other na

11、tions, which must respond to the aspirations, abilities, and aggressiveness of foreign leaders. Of course, individuals matter more to international relations under certain circumstances. Individual personalities take on added significance when power is concentrated in the hands of a leader, when ins

12、titutions are in conflict, or in times of great change. Individuals also shape many of the drivers identified by other theorists, such as the balance of power, domestic opinion, and bureaucratic politics. These paradigms suffer when individuals are ignored.1.What is the main idea of the first paragr

13、aph?2.What does the author mean by “the roar of the anarchic system, domestic politics, and institutional dynamics drown out the small voices of individual leaders” in the first paragraph?3.Explain “Simply put, individuals are too individualistic” in your own words.4.What does “this rich ore” refer

14、to in the second paragraph?5.Describe the major goal of the article in your own words.【答案】1.It aims to explain the reasons why political scientists ignore the imapct of individuals on international relations.2.The author means that many political scientists believe that the anarchic system, domestic

15、 politics and institutional dynamics matter in the major events that shape international politics.3.It means people tend to be self-interested and only focus on their own benefits rather than overall interests.4.It refers to the impact of individuals on international relations.5.The major goal of th

16、is passage is to draw attention to the role of individuals in international relations.3. 单选题There is no doubt that dishonest or （ ）acquisition of information is usually overwhelming evidence that information was confidential and not part of the defendants skill and knowledge.问题1选项A.blatantB.surrepti

17、tiousC.suspiciousD.conspicuous【答案】B【解析】形容词词义辨析。blatant “喧嚣的，炫耀的”；surreptitious “秘密的”；suspicious “可疑的”；conspicuous “显而易见的”。句意：毫无疑问，不诚实或秘密获取的信息通常是压倒性的证据，表明这种信息是机密的，不属于辩护人员技能和知识的一部分。选项B符合题意。4. 问答题The answer lies somewhere in the realm of ideology, in European attitudes not just toward defense spending

18、but toward power itself. Important as the power gap has been in shaping the respective strategic cultures of the United States and Europe, if the disparity of military capabilities were the only problem, the solution would be fairly straightforward. With a highly educated and productive population o

19、f almost 400 million people and a $9 trillion economy, Europe today has the wealth and technological capability to make itself more of a world power in military terms if Europeans wanted to become that kind of world power. They could easily spend twice as much as they are currently spending on defen

20、se if they believed it necessary to do so. And closing the power gap between the United States and Europe would probably go some way toward closing the gap in strategic perceptions. There is a cynical view current in American strategic circles that the Europeans simply enjoy the free ride they have

21、gotten under the American security umbrella over the past six decades. Given Americas willingness to spend so much money protecting them, Europeans would rather spend their own money on social welfare programs, long vacations, and shorter workweeks. But there is more to the transatlantic gulf than a

22、 gap in military capabilities, and while Europe may be enjoying a free ride in terms of global security, there is more to Europes unwillingness to build up its military power than comfort with the present American guarantee. After all, the United States in the 19Ih century was the beneficiary of the

23、 British navys dominance of the Atlantic and the Caribbean. But that did not stop the United States from engaging in its own peacetime naval buildup in the 1880s and 1890s, a buildup that equipped it to launch and win the Spanish-American war, acquire the Philippines, and become a world power. Late-

24、nineteenth-century Americans did not take comfort from their security; they were ambitious for more power. Europeans today are not ambitious for power, and certainly not for military power. Europeans over the past half century have developed a genuinely different perspective on the role of power in

25、international relations, a perspective that springs directly from their unique historical experience since the end of World War II. They have rejected the power politics that brought them such misery over the past century and more. This is a perspective on power that Americans do not and cannot shar

26、e, in as much as the formative historical experiences on their side of the Atlantic have not been the same. Consider again the qualities that make up the European strategic culture: the emphasis on negotiation, diplomacy, and commercial ties, on international law over the use of force, on seduction

27、over coercion, on multilateralism over unilateralism. It is true that these are not traditionally European approaches to international relations when viewed from a long historical perspective. But they are a product of more recent European history. The modern European strategic culture represents a

28、conscious rejection of the European past, a rejection of the evils of European Mahtlpolilik. 1.What might be the question raised prior to the first paragraph of the passage?2.What have made it difficult to redress the military imbalances between the United States and Europe?3.What does the phrase “f

29、ree ride” imply here?4.What does the phrase “the transatlantic gulf” refer to?5.Why do Americans and Europeans think about power so differently?【答案】1.Europe may be enjoying a free ride in terms of global security, there is more to Europes unwillingness to build up its military power than comfort wit

30、h the present American guarantee.2.Europeans have gotten under the American security umbrella.3.Europeans enjoy the statement of being secured by the United Stated.4.It refers that America was ambitious for more power.5.Because of their different historical experiences. 5. 单选题The period of history w

31、hich is commonly called “modern” has a mental outlook which differs from that of the medieval period in many ways. Of these, two are（1）: the diminishing authority of the Church, and the increasing authority of science.（2）, others are connected. The culture of （3）is more lay than clerical. States inc

32、reasingly replace the Church as the governmental authority that controls culture. The government of nations is, at first, mainly （4） kings; then, as in ancient Greece, the kings are gradually replaced by democracies or tyrants. The power of the national State, and the functions that it performs, （5）

33、 throughout the whole period (apart from some minor fluctuations); but at most times the State has less influence on the opinions of philosophers than the Church （6） in the Middle Ages. The feudal aristocracy, （7）, north of the Alps, has been able, till the fifteenth century, to hold its own against

34、 central governments, loses first its political and then its economic importance. It is replaced by the king （8） rich merchants; these two share power in different proportions in different countries. There is a tendency for （9） to become absorbed into the aristocracy. From the time of the American a

35、nd French Revolutions onwards, democracy, in the modern sense, becomes an important political force. Socialism, （10） democracy based on private property, first acquires governmental power in 1917. This form of government, however, if it spreads, must obviously bring with it a new form of （11）: the c

36、ulture with which we shall be concerned is in the main “liberal”, （12）, of the kind most naturally associated with commerce. （13） there are important exceptions, especially in Germany; Fichte and Hegel, to take two examples, have an outlook which is totally unconnected with commerce. But（14）are not

37、typical of their age.The rejection of ecclesiastical authority, which is the negative characteristic of the modern age, begins earlier than （15）characteristic, which is the acceptance of （16） . In the Italian Renaissance, science played a very small part; the opposition to the Church, in mens though

38、ts, was connected with antiquity, and looked still to the past, but to a more distant past than （17）the early Church and the Middle Ages. The first serious irruption of （18）was the publication of the Copemican theory in 1543; but （19） did not become influential until it was taken up and improved by

39、Kepler and Galileo in the seventeenth century. Then began the long （20） between science and dogma, in which traditionalists fought a losing battle against new knowledge.问题1选项A.more importantB.the least importantC.less importantD.the most important问题2选项A.With these twoB.Of these twoC.Among theseD.Abo

40、ut these问题3选项A.medieval periodB.Christian timeC.modern timesD.scientific time问题4选项A.in the hands ofB.at hand ofC.at hands ofD.in the hand of问题5选项A.growing steadyB.grow steadilyC.grows steadilyD.grow steady问题6选项A.hasB.hadC.isD.was问题7选项A.thatB.for whichC.whichD.what问题8选项A.in allegiance toB.being aller

41、gic toC.in alliance withD.in alliance of问题9选项A.the kingB.the ChurchC.the AlpsD.the rich merchants问题10选项A.as opposing toB.in opposite toC.as opposed toD.in opposition between问题11选项A.cultureB.governmentC.democracyD.socialism问题12选项A.howeverB.furthermoreC.moreoverD.that is to say问题13选项A.For thisB.To thi

42、sC.At itD.By it问题14选项A.such examplesB.these outlooksC.such exceptionsD.these two figures问题15选项A.the positiveB.a positiveC.the pessimisticD.a pessimistic问题16选项A.church authorityB.scientific authorityC.liberalismD.socialism问题17选项A.that ofB.that inC.ofD.in问题18选项A.the publicationB.an authorityC.scienceD

43、a theory问题19选项A.this publicationB.this theoryC.the irruptionD.science问题20选项A.compromiseB.oppositionC.fightD.period【答案】第1题:D第2题:A第3题:C第4题:A第5题:B第6题:B第7题:C第8题:C第9题:D第10题:C第11题:A第12题:D第13题:B第14题:C第15题:A第16题:B第17题:A第18题:C第19题:B第20题:C【解析】（1）逻辑关系。根据空格前一句，“which differs from that of the medieval period in

44、 many ways”，可知现代的精神面貌在很多方面与中世纪不同，空格下文提到在这些方面中，有两个方面应该是最重要的。选项D符合题意。（2）固定搭配。根据空格后“connected”可知，题目考查固定搭配“be connected with”，意为“和联系”，文意为其他方面与这两个方面相互联系。选项A符合题意。（3）逻辑关系。根据空格后的“is more lay than clerical”，可知这种文化是比教权主义更加世俗的。根据上文提到了这种文化是教会主义的削弱和科学权威的提升，可知应该是指现代文化。选项C符合题意。（4）固定搭配。根据空格前“The government of natio

45、ns is”，可知起初，国家的政府主要由国王掌握管理。固定搭配“in the hands of”意为“由掌握”。选项A符合题意。（5）考查语法。根据语法知识，副词修饰动词，可排除A和D项。根据空格前的“performs”可知，句子应该为一般现在时态，主语为“The power of the national State, and the functions”，所以谓语动词应该用原形grow，选项B符合题意。（6）语法题。根据题意，可知国家对哲学家的观点的影响比中世纪教会带来的影响更小，所以空格中提到的是中世纪教会的影响，要用一般过去时态，选项B符合题意。（7）语法题。根据文章，“The feu

46、dal aristocracyhas been ableto hold its own against central governments”，可知空格前后两句的关系为修饰关系，空格后一句是用来修饰空格前的“The feudal aristocracy”。两句有逗号隔开，可知空格所在的句子为非限制性定语从句，由关系代词which引导。选项C符合题意。（8）固定搭配。in alliance with“与联盟”，in allegiance to “献身于”，being allergic to “对是过敏的”；没有固定搭配in alliance of。句意：取而代之的是，国王和富商联盟。选项C符合

47、题意。（9）逻辑关系。根据空格上文，“these two share power in different proportions in different countries.”，这两种阶层在不同的国家有不同的权力。“these two”是指国王和富商。根据空格后“to become absorbed into the aristocracy”，可知这类人有被吸收成为贵族阶级的趋势，所以这类人应该是富商。选项D符合题意。（10）固定搭配。as opposed to“与截然相反，对照”；in opposite to “反对，在对面”；没有搭配as opposing to；in opposition between “在间的对立面”。句意：社会主义与民主主义相反，民主主义是基于私有的民主，而社会主义在1917年首次获得政府权利。选项C符合题意。（11）逻辑关系。根据空格后的the culture可知，上文应该提到的是带来一种新的文化形式，选项A符合题意。（12）连词词义辨析。howeve